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Τίτλος Προγράμματος Παπυρικά Κείμενα της Ελληνορωμαϊκής Αιγύπτου Eπιστημονικά Υπεύθυνος/η Προγράμματος Κουσούλης Παναγιώτης Επίκουρος Kαθηγητής Τμήμα Μεσογειακών Σπουδών Σχολή Ανθρωπιστικών Επιστημών Πανεπιστήμιο Αιγαίου Περίοδος... more
Τίτλος Προγράμματος Παπυρικά Κείμενα της Ελληνορωμαϊκής Αιγύπτου
Eπιστημονικά Υπεύθυνος/η Προγράμματος Κουσούλης Παναγιώτης Επίκουρος Kαθηγητής Τμήμα Μεσογειακών Σπουδών Σχολή Ανθρωπιστικών Επιστημών Πανεπιστήμιο Αιγαίου
Περίοδος Υλοποίησης Προγράμματος Έναρξη: Δευτέρα 09/01/2017 Λήξη : Κυριακή 30/04/2017 Στοιχεία Επικοινωνίας  Για Θέματα Προγράμματος Σπουδών και λοιπά Επιστημονικά θέματα Ονοματεπώνυμο: Κουσούλης Παναγιώτης Τηλέφωνο: 22410 99341 email: kousoulis@rhodes.aegean.gr
Ονοματεπώνυμο: Νικόλαος Λίτινας Τηλέφωνο: 2831077380 email: litinasn@uoc.gr Ιστοσελίδα: http://www.philology.uoc.gr/staff/litinas/gr.htm

Για Θέματα Οικονομικής και Διοικητικής Διαχείρισης Γραμματεία Προγραμμάτων Δια Βίου Μάθησης Τηλέφωνο: 2241.0.99424-6 e-mail:  e-epimorfosi@aegean.gr Web site: e-epimorfosi.aegean.gr
Eπιστημονικά Υπεύθυνος/η Προγράμματος Κουσούλης Παναγιώτης Επίκουρος Kαθηγητής Τμήμα Μεσογειακών Σπουδών Σχολή Ανθρωπιστικών Επιστημών Πανεπιστήμιο Αιγαίου Περίοδος Υλοποίησης Προγράμματος Έναρξη: Δευτέρα 09/01/2017 Λήξη : Κυριακή... more
Eπιστημονικά Υπεύθυνος/η Προγράμματος Κουσούλης Παναγιώτης Επίκουρος Kαθηγητής Τμήμα Μεσογειακών Σπουδών Σχολή Ανθρωπιστικών Επιστημών Πανεπιστήμιο Αιγαίου
Περίοδος Υλοποίησης Προγράμματος Έναρξη: Δευτέρα 09/01/2017 Λήξη : Κυριακή 30/04/2017 Στοιχεία Επικοινωνίας  Για Θέματα Προγράμματος Σπουδών και λοιπά Επιστημονικά θέματα Ονοματεπώνυμο: Κουσούλης Παναγιώτης Τηλέφωνο: 22410 99341 email: kousoulis@rhodes.aegean.gr
Ονοματεπώνυμο: Νικόλαος Λίτινας Τηλέφωνο: 2831077380 email: litinasn@uoc.gr Ιστοσελίδα: http://www.philology.uoc.gr/staff/litinas/gr.htm
Για Θέματα Οικονομικής και Διοικητικής Διαχείρισης Γραμματεία Προγραμμάτων Δια Βίου Μάθησης Τηλέφωνο: 2241.0.99424-6 e-mail:  e-epimorfosi@aegean.gr Web site: e-epimorfosi.aegean.gr
Σύγχρονο και ολοκληρωμένο πρόγραμμα εκμάθησης της αρχαίας αιγυπτιακής γλώσσας (ιερογλυφικά) του Μέσου Βασιλείου (Κλασικά Αιγυπτιακά) και της ελληνικής γλώσσας και γραφής των παπύρων της Ελληνορωμαϊκής Αιγύπτου. Εξετάζονται και αναλύονται... more
Σύγχρονο και ολοκληρωμένο πρόγραμμα εκμάθησης της αρχαίας αιγυπτιακής γλώσσας (ιερογλυφικά) του Μέσου Βασιλείου (Κλασικά Αιγυπτιακά) και της ελληνικής γλώσσας και γραφής των παπύρων της Ελληνορωμαϊκής Αιγύπτου. Εξετάζονται και αναλύονται η μορφολογία και σημασιολογία των ιερογλυφικών σημείων, τα είδη γραφής (ιερογλυφική, ιερατική), οι συντακτικές και γραμματικές δομές του ρηματικού και μη-ρηματικού λόγου, η βασιλική ονοματολογία, τα θεοφορικά ονόματα και οι ταφικές επωδές προσφορών και μαγικής προστασίας του νεκρού στον αιγυπτιακό Άδη. Η διδασκαλία βασίζεται στην πρωτότυπη και διαδραστική μεθοδολογία που έχει αναπτύξει η Αιγυπτιολογική Ομάδα Έρευνας του Πανεπιστημίου Αιγαίου και ενισχύεται από ποικίλες, προαιρετικές, εκπαιδευτικές δραστηριότητες στο Εθνικό Αρχαιολογικό Μουσείο Αθηνών. Η εκμάθηση της γλώσσας συνδυάζεται με τη διδασκαλία βασικών πτυχών της ιστορίας, αρχαιολογίας και κοινωνικής ιδεολογίας των αρχαίων κατοίκων της Νειλοχώρας. Παρέχονται ψηφιακό υλικό ιερογλυφικών επιγραφών και κειμένων (ελληνική έκδοση του Corpus Rosette), διαδραστικό ιερογλυφικό λεξικό με τη μορφή flashcards και ειδικό λογισμικό σχεδιασμού, αποτύπωσης και μεταγραφής των ιερογλυφικών σημείων. Με την ολοκλήρωση της ενότητας οι επιμορφούμενοι/ες θα μπορούν να διαβάζουν, μεταγράφουν και μεταφράζουν ιερογλυφικές επιγραφές και σύντομα αποσπάσματα έργων της αιγυπτιακής γραμματείας από το πρωτότυπο, και θα γνωρίζουν σημαντικές πτυχές του αρχαίου αιγυπτιακού πολιτισμού. Η δεύτερη ενότητα στοχεύει σε μια ολοκληρωμένη διδασκαλία της γλώσσας και γραφής των ελληνικών παπυρικών κειμένων από την αρχαία Αίγυπτο με παράλληλη εξέταση σημαντικών πτυχών των ιστορικών, κοινωνικών και θρησκευτικών δομών της Ελληνορωμαϊκής Αιγύπτου. Με το πέρας της ενότητας οι επιμορφούμενοι/ες θα είναι σε θέση να αναγνωρίζουν, διαβάζουν, μεταγράφουν και μεταφράζουν λέξεις, προτάσεις και κείμενα από παπύρους. Παράλληλα, θα έρθουν σε επαφή με αντιπροσωπευτικά λογοτεχνικά και ιστορικά έργα της Ελληνορωμαϊκής αιγυπτιακής γραμματείας από το πρωτότυπο. Σας καλούμε να μυηθείτε στη γλώσσα και τη σοφία των αρχαίων Αιγυπτίων με την εγγύηση της δεκαετούς εμπειρίας του Πανεπιστημίου Αιγαίου στην έρευνα και τη διδασκαλία του αρχαίου αιγυπτιακού πολιτισμού!

Ημερομηνία έναρξης 1ης Διδακτικής Ενότητας: 26 Οκτωβρίου 2015. Επιπλέον έκπτωση 15% για εγγραφές έως τις 30 Σεπτεμβρίου 2015.

Πληροφορίες & εγγραφές: http://e-epimorfosi.aegean.gr/e-viewde?prpd_id=127559&menu=general
Research Interests:
Ρέθυμνο: Μεσογειακή Αρχαιoλογική Εταιρεία, ISSN 1108-5800.
Refereed academic journal, vols. 1-12
(http://www.eulimene.eu)
Research Interests:
Archaeology, Classical Archaeology, Maritime Archaeology, Near Eastern Archaeology, Papyrology, and 47 more
Ρέθυμνο: Μεσογειακή Αρχαιολογική Εταιρεία
Eulimene Supplementum Series, vols 1-2
Research Interests:
Archaeology, Classical Archaeology, Maritime Archaeology, Near Eastern Archaeology, Papyrology, and 40 more
The existence of ancient graffiti on the walls of caves is a rare and important discovery. The Graffiti in the cave "Latsida ston Keramo" are c. 2000 years old. The volume is the edition of a series of graffiti from a remote cave in... more
The existence of ancient graffiti on the walls of caves is a rare and important discovery. The Graffiti in the cave "Latsida ston Keramo" are c. 2000 years old. The volume is the edition of a series of graffiti from a remote cave in Crete. The cave "Latsida ston Keramo" was not well known and was difficult to locate. Although there were reports of archaeological findings on the surface, no official archaeological work has ever been undertaken.
The introduction to this volume is divided into two chapters. The first one contains a collection of the described or published Greek inscriptions incised into or written  on the walls, either inside or in the entrances, of natural caves and caverns dated from the fifth century B.C. to the sixth century A.D. The second chapter is an English translation of a paper published in Greek by the speleologists K. Foteinakis and K. Paragamian in the third Pancretan Speleological Symposium. This is included as it will help the reader to understand the natural underground space and environment of the cave.
The graffiti are incised or scratched into or written on the flowstones, the walls, the stalagmites or the columns of the cave. About 40 names, masculine or feminine, appear. None of the bearers of the names can be identified with a certain person known from other Cretan inscriptions or literature. The possible origin of the identifiable names in the cave is Crete (mostly cities of the eastern Crete), but other areas, e.g. Thessaly, Boeotia and the Aegean islands, should not be excluded. Based on the internal evidence and the palaeographical details a date that could be assigned to these graffiti is from the first century B.C. until the end of the second century or early third century A.D.
The people who inscribed these names were either natives or migrants, who found themselves in this area of Crete for a certain purpose, and found a good reason to spend some time visiting this remote place. They might have been local farmers or/and shepherds or travelers or/and traders or people who were trying to escape from their social condition within the community and/or from its laws, who found shelter in this cave. If the graffiti (or some of the graffiti) are dated to the Hellenistic period in Crete, a second possibility is that all these men could have been members of a garrison or a patrol whose duty was to protect the countryside or the roads from "enemies" or "outsiders". The third possibility concerns the well-known ritual kidnapping of young boys by adults, which has been recorded by Ephorus (cited by Strabo).

Table of Contents:
Preface - Acknowledgements
01. Introduction -  Greek inscriptions on the walls of natural caves and cave-shelters dating from the Classical to the early Byzantine period. Speleological presentation of the cave "Latsida ston Keramo” (Kostas Foteinakis and Kaloust Paragamian)
02. The Location of the Inscriptions in the Cave
03. General Observations on the Inscriptions
04. The Text-Forms
05. Chronology
06. Function
07. Hands and Scribes
08. Grammar
09. Transcription, Translation and Commentary
10. Bibliography
11. Indexes
Plates
Research Interests:
In the Greek papyri of the Graeco-Roman period we find words indicating the four seasons, χειμών, ἕαρ, θέρος, φθινόπωρον, and their usages in the private documents and the official correspondence indicate how these words were understood... more
In the Greek papyri of the Graeco-Roman period we find words indicating
the four seasons, χειμών, ἕαρ, θέρος, φθινόπωρον, and their usages
in the private documents and the official correspondence indicate how
these words were understood and what aspects of everyday life were
connected with a specific time of year. Winter is by far the most often mentioned in various contexts and meanings, summer is almost always used in contrast to the winter, while references to spring and autumn are rare.
This article is based on the study of two arguably different sources concerning the words which describe sickness and health: (1) the clusters of these words as they were compiled by Pollux of Naucratis at the end of the second century... more
This article is based on the study of two arguably different sources concerning the words which describe sickness and health: (1) the clusters of these words as they were compiled by Pollux of Naucratis at the end of the second century A.D., and (2) the various phrases or terms attested in the everyday language of the Greek papyri coming from Egypt, dated to the entire Greco-Roman period (III B.C.–VIII A.D.). The study of this converging, so to speak, of the two sources produces interesting results concerning the use of words used broadly in all aspects of one’s life, as recorded in various contexts. These range from the simplest and brief texts, such as memoranda, to classical literature, dated to various periods and attributed to various levels of literacy.
This article discusses the use of expressions of Manner as attested in the private letters (including also private letters addressed to officials) written in Latin on papyri, tablets and ostraca, which come from Egypt, Vindolanda and... more
This article discusses the use of expressions of Manner as attested in the private letters (including also private letters addressed to officials) written in Latin on papyri, tablets and ostraca, which come from Egypt, Vindolanda and Londinium, and which are dated to the first three centuries A.D. Based on the evidence which is provided to date by the published private letters, the use of the expressions of Manner in the everyday language of the private letters suggests that the writers did not consider it necessary to express Manner at all, and, only occasionally used adverbs of Manner. Therefore, the main aim of this study is to discuss the characteristics of adverbs used to express the ways that the action of a verb is performed, the relationship of these adverbs to other words within the syntactical and sense-related frame of a sentence and, therefore, their function in respect of the people who used them.
Recent work for the APIS project has identified P.Mich. inv. 1580 as the remainder of a fragmentary letter previously published by HC Youtie (ZPE 35 (1979), 101-102; P.Mich. inv. 1622 = SB XVI 12589). Youtie concluded that the letter... more
Recent work for the APIS project has identified P.Mich. inv. 1580 as the remainder of a fragmentary letter previously published by HC Youtie (ZPE 35 (1979), 101-102; P.Mich. inv. 1622 = SB XVI 12589). Youtie concluded that the letter dates from the second century AD and was sent ...
Brèves notes critiques et exégétiques relatives à des documents de provenance égyptienne, appartenant aux périodes gréco-romaine, chrétienne et arabe.
[I submitted to you this] petition requesting from you to give orders to one of [your assistants] to come to make an inspection [...] and learn from the door-keeper which were [... and then] seal up the site [...so that I could] obtain... more
[I submitted to you this] petition requesting from you to give orders to one of [your assistants] to come to make an inspection [...] and learn from the door-keeper which were [... and then] seal up the site [...so that I could] obtain the satisfaction provided by the law and what is due [to ...
... Of the country , local and foreign in the Greek papyri. Autores: Nikos Litinas; Localización: Marburger Beiträge zur antiken Handels-, Wirtschafts-und Sozialgeschichte, ISSN 1864-1415, Nº. 26, 2008 , págs. 159-164. Fundación Dialnet.... more
... Of the country , local and foreign in the Greek papyri. Autores: Nikos Litinas; Localización: Marburger Beiträge zur antiken Handels-, Wirtschafts-und Sozialgeschichte, ISSN 1864-1415, Nº. 26, 2008 , págs. 159-164. Fundación Dialnet. Acceso de usuarios registrados. ...
browse categories : ... ...
The present article is an edition of some described papyri from Oxyrhynchos, in particular P. Oxy. Ill 615-622 and 628-632 (indicated with emboldened numbers throughout). Also, it discusses the form and the function of each of the... more
The present article is an edition of some described papyri from Oxyrhynchos, in particular P. Oxy. Ill 615-622 and 628-632 (indicated with emboldened numbers throughout). Also, it discusses the form and the function of each of the sitologi documents, which were drawn ...
... collection of the taxes. Rethymnon Nikos Litinas 26 In this case, I do not accept the editor's note (l-4n.) that "the grain already on deposit at Pakerke was physically ... grammatically wrong letters above the line... more
... collection of the taxes. Rethymnon Nikos Litinas 26 In this case, I do not accept the editor's note (l-4n.) that "the grain already on deposit at Pakerke was physically ... grammatically wrong letters above the line in this peculiar way? Rethymnon Nikos Litinas
Información del artículo A "Corrigendum" to P. Lond. inv. 1228.
ABSTRACT: The inclusion of a secret sign as a clue which enables the recipient of a private letter to identify the sender was one of the ways of authentication. This is easily understandable when the sign is written on a folded and sealed... more
ABSTRACT: The inclusion of a secret sign as a clue which enables the recipient of a private letter to identify the sender was one of the ways of authentication. This is easily understandable when the sign is written on a folded and sealed papyrus. However, when the same type of authentication is written on ostraca, the secret sign becomes immediately visible and known to everybody, and, subsequently useless thereafter. In addition, the inclusion itself does not provide a secure way to prove that the ostracon was the original. For instance, some numbers (amounts of money) can be changed before the ostracon reaches the unsuspected recipient. This paper proposes that these or even other ostraca were put in containers in order to secure both the ostraca
and the message.
KEY WORDS: Ostraca, letters, secret, clues, authentication.
The total number of the inscriptions which have been found so far in the area of the ancient deme of Kymissaleis is nine published and three unpublished – and the present contribution gathers them together
and (re)publishes them.
Nikos Litinas : The Maculate Muse. A source of sexual arousal in fourth-century AD Alexandria (Palladas, AP 9.395) Since Homer was the main source for readers in primary education, the epigrammatist Palladas, who lived in Alexandria in... more
Nikos Litinas : The Maculate Muse. A source of sexual arousal in fourth-century AD Alexandria (Palladas, AP 9.395)

Since Homer was the main source for readers in primary education, the epigrammatist Palladas, who lived in Alexandria in the fourth century AD, exploited words or verses of the Homeric epics in his epigrams in order to refer to situations or examples which were familiar to all his readers. The Homeric heroes are revived in Palladas’ epigrams as caricatures through which he presents contemporaneous figures of his city. Therefore, issues of the Homeric epics become part of the reality of Palladas, but, since the figures are hidden behind the Homeric expressions, they are not immediately recognizable. In particular, the
epigrammatist chose certain well-known female figures of the Homeric world and added a humorous element to the characteristics of these women. AP 9.395 is an example of such an epigram. “Odysseus said: “nothing is sweeter than a man’s fatherland”, for in Circe’s isle
he never ate cheese-cake. If he had seen even the smoke curling up from that, he would have sent ten Penelopes to the deuce” (transl. Guichard). Palladas referred to two wellknown verses of the Odyssey, 9.34 and 1.58 and used the figure of the Homeric Odysseus to remind the reader that this clever and strong hero never tasted Circe’s cakes, but just
tasted the concoction that she offered him, and because of the antidote he had taken on Hermes’ advice, this drink had no effect on him. However, if he had tasted the concoction of Palladas’ Circe, he would never have returned to his own Penelope or other “Penelopes”. The aim of the poet by using this quip on Circe and his pun on the ἔκχυτον was to refer neither to Circes’ magic nor to Penelope’s patience, nor to Odysseus’ adventures during his wanderings. We could infer that ἔκχυτον in Palladas’ epigram was not the Homeric Circe’s potion in a cup from where Odysseus drank, but the juices poured out from the Palladian Circe’s vagina, when this latter Circe had sexual desires and excitement. The Homeric quotations may work as a springboard to describe a Circe of his city, probably a warm and seductive woman, or a prostitute. It is quite certain that not only whoever experienced the taste, but also all who could see the smoke (because of her hot excitement) rising up in the chimney of the house, were captivated so much that they would cheat on the most faithful wife many times to become her erotic slaves. The Homeric Odysseus is a man who would never return to his Penelope, if he had tasted the concoction prepared by Palladas’ Alexandrian Circe.
Ο Αβέρκιος ήταν επίσκοπος Ιεροπόλεως της Φρυγίας κατά τη συμβασιλεία του Μάρκου Αυρήλιου και του Λούκιου Βήρου (161–169 μ.Χ.) Ο Βίος του παραδίδεται από το Συμεών το Μεταφραστή το 10ο αι. μ.Χ. και τον Ανώνυμο Μεταφραστή τον 11ο αι.... more
Ο Αβέρκιος ήταν επίσκοπος Ιεροπόλεως της Φρυγίας κατά τη συμβασιλεία του Μάρκου Αυρήλιου και του Λούκιου Βήρου (161–169 μ.Χ.) Ο Βίος του παραδίδεται από το Συμεών το Μεταφραστή το 10ο αι. μ.Χ. και τον Ανώνυμο Μεταφραστή τον 11ο αι. Αναφέρεται ότι ο επίσκοπος Αβέρκιος στα μέσα του 2ου αι. μ.Χ. έφυγε από την Ιερόπολη για να επισκεφτεί τη Ρώμη. Σε ηλικία 72 ετών συνέθεσε ένα επίγραμμα γραμμένο σε δακτυλικό εξάμετρο, το οποίο θα χαρασσόταν ως επιτύμβια επιγραφή στον τάφο του μετά τον θάνατό του, που επήλθε λίγο μετά την επιστροφή του στην Ιερόπολη. Σε αυτό το κείμενο ανέφερε τη διαδρομή του κατά την επιστροφή από τη Ρώμη. Πέρασε από τη Συρία, έφτασε στη Νίβιση και επέστρεψε στην Ιερόπολη. Το κείμενο σώθηκε στον Βίο του, αλλά εξαιτίας της μοναδικότητάς του θεωρήθηκε στην αρχή νόθο. Το Νοέμβριο του 1881 ο Sir W. Ramsay ανακάλυψε στη Φρυγία την επιτύμβια επιγραφή κάποιου Αλέξανδρου που πέθανε το 216 μ.Χ. (Steinepigramme 16/07/02 Merkelbach – Stauber). Το κείμενο της επιγραφής αυτής μιμούνταν μέρος της επιγραφής του Αβέρκιου, όπως τη γνωρίζαμε από τον Βίο του. Σήμερα φυλάσσεται στο Αρχαιολογικό Μουσείο της Κωνσταντινούπολης. Η μεγάλη όμως ανακάλυψη έγινε μετά από περίπου δύο χρόνια (τον Ιούνιο ή Οκτώβριο του 1883), όταν πάλι ο Ramsay ταύτισε δύο τμήματα της πραγματικής επιτύμβιας στήλης του Αβέρκιου (Steinepigramme 16/07/01 Merkelbach – Stauber), που επιβεβαίωναν την ακρίβεια του κειμένου του Βίου. Η επιγραφή αυτή πρέπει να χρονολογηθεί στο 170 μ.Χ.· σήμερα φυλάσσεται στο Μουσείο του Βατικανού. Αποτελεί μια από τις πρωιμότερες χριστιανικές επιγραφικές μαρτυρίες. Η ταυτότητα του Αβέρκιου αποτελούσε ένα από τα θέμα συζήτησης. Πολλοί μελετητές θέλησαν να τον ταυτίσουν με τον Αυίρκιο Μάρκελλο, (που αναφέρεται στον Ευσέβιο Εκκλ. ιστ. 5.16.3), αλλά αυτή η άποψη αναιρείται από άλλους, όπως ο A. Strobel.
Το κείμενό της χαρακτηρίζεται από μια μυστική φρασεολογία, που βρίσκει παράλληλα σε όρους που απαντούν στον Τερτυλλιανό και στον Κλήμεντα τον Αλεξανδρέα, καθώς και σε εικαστικές παραστάσεις με συμβολικό περιεχόμενο στις κατακόμβες της Ρώμης. Γίνονται αναφορές στην εκκλησία της Ρώμης κατά τον 2ο αι. μ.Χ. Οι χριστιανοί βαπτίζονταν (στ. 9 λαὸν δ’ εἶδον̣ ἐ̣[κεῖ λαμπρὰν] σφραγεῖδαν ἔ[χοντα]) και κατά τη Θεία Ευχαριστία λάμβαναν οίνο και άρτο (στ. 16 οἶνον χρηστὸν ἔχουσα, κέρασμα διδοῦσα μετ’ ἄρτου). Φαίνεται ότι ο Αβέρκιος επιδιώκει να συνταιριάξει λογοτεχνικούς λογότυπους των επιτύμβιων επιγραμμάτων με λέξεις που έχουν πια ένα χριστιανικό εννοιολογικό περιεχόμενο, αλλά δεν μπορούμε να γνωρίζουμε αν υπάρχει μια σκόπιμη προσπάθεια κατασκευής ενός κρυπτοχριστιανικού κειμένου. Για παράδειγμα οι λέξεις ποιμήν, βασιλ[ῆαν, βασίλισσ̣[αν, πίστις, ἰχθύν, πηγῆς, παρθέ[νος, χρηστόν θα εκλαμβάνονταν από τους εθνικούς με την πραγματική τους καθημερινή σημασία, αλλά ένας Χριστιανός θα μπορούσε να θεωρήσει ότι σήμαιναν Ποιμήν (ο Χριστός), Βασιλῆαν (ο Χριστός), Βασίλισσαν (η Εκκλησία), Πίστις (η Χριστιανική Πίστη), Ἰχθύν (η ακροστοιχίδα ΙΧΘΥΣ: βλ. σχόλ. στ. 13), Πηγῆς (η Ζωοδόχος Πηγή, που είναι η Παρθένος Μαρία ή πρόκειται για μυστικιστική παραπομπή στον Θεό), Παρθέ[νος (η Παρθένος Μαρία), Χρηστόν (ο Χριστός).
Ο Wischmeyer υποστηρίζει ότι το επίγραμμα χαρακτηρίζεται από αδεξιότητα (χαρακτηριστικές είναι οι επαναλήψεις λέξεων, κάποιων μάλιστα τρεις φορές, όπως της αντωνυμίας ὅς στους στίχους 4–7 και του επιρρήματος πάντῃ στους στίχους 11–13). Επιπροσθέτως, στις παρατηρήσεις του Wischmeyer περί αδεξιότητας μπορεί να προστεθεί η επανάληψη εννοιών: π.χ. στους στίχους 7–10 βασιλ[ῆαν ἀθρῆσαι] καὶ βασίλισσ̣[αν ἰδεῖν, λαὸν δ’ εἶδον̣ ἐ̣[κεῖ λαμπρὰν] σφραγεῖδαν ἔ[χοντα] καὶ Συρίης πέ[δον εἶδα], επαναλαμβάνεται τρεις φορές ο αόριστος του ρήματος ὁράω σε συνδυασμό με τον αόριστο του συνώνυμου ρήματος ἀθρέω. Στους στ. 11–12 πάν]τῃ δ’ ἔσχον συνο̣[μαίμους] Π̣α̣ῦ̣λ̣ο̣ν̣ ἔ̣χ̣ω̣ν̣ ἐ̣π̣’ ὄ̣[χοις] επαναλαμβάνονται τύποι του ρήματος ἔχω. Στην επιγραφή παρατηρούνται επίσης ιωτακισμοί στους στ. 1 πολεί[της], 9 σφραγεῖδαν, 21 δισχείλια και 22 χείλια, που ενδεχομένως δεν ήταν λάθη του Αβέρκιου, αλλά λάθη του χαράκτη της επιγραφής. Ωστόσο, είναι αξιοσημείωτο ότι ο τύπος ἐμέν (αντί του ἐμέ) είναι αναγκαίος μετρικά και πρόκειται για μια φωνολογική εναλλαγή, που επικρατούσε στη Φρυγία. Τέλος, οι μετοχικές προτάσεις τείνουν να τίθενται στο τέλος της περιόδου μετά το ρήμα της κύριας πρότασης (πβ. στ. 11 και 16). Στην έκδοση του ανθολογίου σημειώνεται με μπλε χρώμα το κείμενο, όπως συμπληρώνεται με βάση την επιτύμβια επιγραφή του Αλεξάνδρου. Σημειώνεται με καφέ χρώμα το σωζόμενο κείμενο της επιτύμβιας επιγραφής του Αβέρκιου. Οι στιγμές κάτω από κάποια γράμματα δηλώνουν ότι αυτά δεν διαβάζονται ευκρινώς στην επιγραφή. Ακολουθεί σχολιασμένη έκδοση και μετάφραση της επιγραφής.
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Ostraca Chersonesi A Preliminary Report Nikos Litinas 1 Introduction The modern village of Chersonissos is located at the site occupied in antiquity by Cherso-nesos, originally an independent polis and, from the 2nd century BC on, harbor... more
Ostraca Chersonesi A Preliminary Report Nikos Litinas 1 Introduction The modern village of Chersonissos is located at the site occupied in antiquity by Cherso-nesos, originally an independent polis and, from the 2nd century BC on, harbor of Lyttos (Brule 1978, 152f; Viviers 1994, ...
2. For the monastery Hathor, 'AQoQ or Φα&ώρ (Π2λΤ2(υρ in Coptic), in the eastern desert of the Upper Cynopolite nome see P. Lond. VI 1913 (AD 334) and 1 920 (AD 330—340). For a monastery with the same name, mentioned in... more
2. For the monastery Hathor, 'AQoQ or Φα&ώρ (Π2λΤ2(υρ in Coptic), in the eastern desert of the Upper Cynopolite nome see P. Lond. VI 1913 (AD 334) and 1 920 (AD 330—340). For a monastery with the same name, mentioned in the archive of Nepheros (P.Neph. 11, 4. 27; ...
Abstract In P. Mich. inv. 3294 the current gymnasiarch in the capital of the Arsinoite nome acknowledges to the elders of the village of Theadelphia that they delivered chaff for the heating of the large gymnasium in the metropolis of the... more
Abstract In P. Mich. inv. 3294 the current gymnasiarch in the capital of the Arsinoite nome acknowledges to the elders of the village of Theadelphia that they delivered chaff for the heating of the large gymnasium in the metropolis of the nome. The text is dated to AD 208 ...
Cf. “Corrigendum,” (N. Litinas, ZPE 124 [1999] 195-204), ZPE 128: 164
The present article is an edition of some described papyri from Oxyrhynchos, in particular P. Oxy. Ill 615-622 and 628-632 (indicated with emboldened numbers throughout). Also, it discusses the form and the function of each of the... more
The present article is an edition of some described papyri from Oxyrhynchos, in particular P. Oxy. Ill 615-622 and 628-632 (indicated with emboldened numbers throughout). Also, it discusses the form and the function of each of the sitologi documents, which were drawn ...
Στους αρχαίους έλληνες συγγραφείς απαντούν πολλά φυτικά ή ζωικά προϊόντα που χαρακτηρίζονται ως γλυκέα. Θα μπορούσαν να ταξινομηθούν σε τρεις κατηγορίες: (α) Προϊόντα που το ίδιο το όνομά τους τα χαρακτηρίζει γλυκέα, π.χ. γλυκάδιον,... more
Στους αρχαίους έλληνες συγγραφείς απαντούν πολλά φυτικά ή ζωικά προϊόντα που χαρακτηρίζονται ως γλυκέα. Θα μπορούσαν να ταξινομηθούν σε τρεις κατηγορίες:
(α) Προϊόντα που το ίδιο το όνομά τους τα χαρακτηρίζει γλυκέα, π.χ. γλυκάδιον, γλυκάνισον, γλυκύρριζα, γλυκύμηλον (ή μελίμηλον).
(β) Προϊόντα που χαρακτηρίζονται γλυκέα για να διακρίνονται από προϊόντα της ίδιας ποικιλίας με άλλη γεύση, π.χ. πράσον. Και
(γ) προιόντα που παράγονται από επεξεργασία κάποιας πρώτης ύλης, όπως γλυκύς οἶνος και γλυκέλαιον.
Οι πάπυροι, τα όστρακα και άλλες γραφικές ύλες που βρέθηκαν στην Αίγυπτο αποτελούν μια χειροπιαστή εικόνα της χρήσης όλων αυτών των προϊόντων. Κυρίως τα γλυκέα προϊόντα, όπως αυτά διαχωρίστηκαν παραπάνω, αναφέρονται σε θεραπευτικές συνταγές, μαγικά κείμενα, καταλόγους προϊόντων, λογαριασμούς, ιδιωτικές επιστολές και σε σημειώσεις πάνω σε αμφορείς.

In the ancient Greek literature are recorded many plant and animal products that are characterized as sweet and can be distinguished in three groups: a. Goods whose name is indicative of their sweet (=γλυκύς) taste, such as γλυκάνισον (=anise), b. Goods that are characterized as sweet in order to be distinguished from products of the same plant variety that, however, taste differently, such as πράσον (=leek), and c. Goods produced from the processing of certain raw vegetable materials, such
as γλυκύς οίνος (=sweet wine). Papyri, terracotta sherds and other
writing material found in Egypt give a tangible picture of the use of products with a sweet taste. The aforementioned goods, in particular, occur in healing formulae, magical texts, lists of products, invoices, private letters and in vernacular inscriptions on amphorae.
This paper has examined the late emergence of λαβύρινθος/Λαβύρινθος on the basis of the available textual and archaeological evidence. For centuries, the labyrinth has been a powerful cultural symbol. Scholars and non scholars always... more
This paper has examined the late emergence of λαβύρινθος/Λαβύρινθος on the basis of the available textual and archaeological evidence. For centuries, the labyrinth has been a powerful cultural symbol. Scholars and non scholars always associate Crete with it. However, we should all be aware of the fact that the word λαβύρινθος/Λαβύρινθος was not part of the Cretan history or myth from the very beginning, and therefore we should be more careful when using it. Philologists, archaeologists and linguists should resist the temptation to take its presence for granted, and should examine their evidence with the appropriate scepticism
The graffiti, texts that were engraved or written on the walls of caves, are important, because they provide information about individuals who entered the caves, the dates of their visits, and specific areas of the cave they visited.... more
The graffiti, texts that were engraved or written on the walls of caves, are important, because they provide information about individuals who entered the caves, the dates of their visits, and specific areas of the cave they visited. Graffiti are found in all types of caves and in all continents, and they date to all periods, a fact that shows the tendency or need of humans to express certain thoughts or sentiments on the walls of these
natural formations. As regards the caves on the island of Crete, Greece, the graffiti were usually engraved on the exterior walls
near the entry or in the first halls of the caves, and in a few cases on the interior walls. The Melidoni Cave  (Gerontospilios or Gero-Spilios) lies 28 kilometers east-southeast of the city of Rethymno and another  1,800 m from the village Melidoni, at a height of 220 m on the southern slopes of Mt Kouloukonas in the lower Mylopotamos valley. The Cave has been attracting people since the late Neolithic period, and visits  to the cave have started to appear from c. 100 BCE until today, that is for over 2100 years. The engravings  follow more or less the same pattern - the name of the visitor, the date, and, in a few cases, the reason of
the visit. Their study produced the following results. First, their number is approximately 3500. Most are  found on the walls of the two main branches of the cave, and their documentation includes such details  as position on the wall, size, paleographical details, date, transcription of text, and commentary. Second, the individuals who scratched or engraved on the interior walls of the cave may have been pilgrims because the results of the excavations by Yannis Tzedakis and Irene Gavrilaki suggest the cave constituted a religious center for worshipping a female deity from the Middle Minoan (ca 2160 BCE) until ca 500 BCE, and Hermes from ca 100 BCE. The pilgrims/visitors in antiquity respected the attempts of other people who entered the cave for the same reason as theirs, to worship. In later times, however, the cave became more or less a tourist attraction and the people who entered were interested more in engraving on the walls, wherever it was convenient, their own name as a memento, rather than in respecting earlier engravings. Those individuals who entered the cave and its remotest areas either as pilgrims or as visitors came from all over the world. Many engraved their names on the walls in various languages, such as Greek, Venetian, Arabic, Turkish, German, French and English. Many of these engravings correspond to specific important periods of the history of Crete, and they thus constitute a visitor’s palimpsest book of Cretan
history.
Throughout the ages birds have played a prominent role in the life of the people occupying the Eastern Mediterranean Basin. Because of their importance as food sources, agricultural pests, domestic pets, as well as inspirations for... more
Throughout the ages birds have played a prominent role in the life of the people occupying the Eastern Mediterranean Basin. Because of their importance as food sources, agricultural pests, domestic pets, as well as inspirations for various art forms, they figure prominently in historical texts, fables and the public lore of these civilizations. Corvids, the bird group containing crows, ravens and magpies, is of particular importance because of the large size, conspicuous presence and significant potential for agricultural damage that these birds exhibit. The present paper was written to complete the study of this group of birds, as they appear in civilizations of Egypt, Greece and Italy.
The on-line list contains all the references to sales of donkeys and updates the one published in Nikos Litinas, “P.Lond. III 128: Sale of a Donkey,” ZPE 124 (1999), pp. 199-204
The on-line list is a prosopography of all known persons connected with the Cynopolite Nome, Egypt.
The point of departure for this article is a simple question: How many Deltas did Egypt have? From Herodotus’ description to Diodorus, Strabo and Pliny the Elder there is only one, the well known Delta of the Nile, which spreads out into... more
The point of departure for this article is a simple question: How many Deltas did Egypt have? From Herodotus’ description to Diodorus, Strabo and Pliny the Elder there is only one, the well known Delta of the Nile, which spreads out into the Mediterranean Sea with a coastline almost 240 km long. Moreover, of the seven distributaries (with various names) in these descriptions fi ve were converted to a canal or were silted up and only the present day Damietta and Rosetta branches remain active. The exact time that each branch degenerated cannot be established with certainty, but it seems that there were some considerable changes between the time when Herodotus described the Delta and the Roman and Byzantine periods.
The Nile Delta is also described in the third and the fourth book of Achilles Tatius, Leucippe and Clitophon, where Clitophon’s adventures took place in the Egyptian countryside. Discussing the situation of the village held by robbers (Βουκόλοι), Achilles Tatius seized the opportunity of describing the geological formation of the Nile, knowing that both average and more sophisticated readers would be familiar with previous accounts of the famous river.
Tatius used some phrases from older descriptions of the fl ow of the Nile and the whole Delta (see below the references to Herodotus’ ἄνωθεν, ῥέει εἷς, περιρρήγνυται). However, when he came to the description of the divisions within the Delta, he updated and modifi ed some specifi c details using current information and experience.
Indeed, as Achilles Tatius continues, the Nile will reach the area of the village of Syrians soon after Memphis at the spot where it winds and splits by sending out two of its distributaries, namely the Canopic and the Pelusiac. The spot is about 10 km north of Babylon and about 8 km west of Heliopolis, and thus clearly with in the Heliopolite nome. Therefore, Σύρων κώμη in Achilles Tatius and Σύρων κώμη in the Hamburg papyrus (P.Hamb. I 2, a loan and debt contract notarized on November 27 A.D. 59 by the agaranomos of the “Camp” near Babylon, today’s Old Cairo) in the Heliopolite nome) are very likely the same settlement. At this point we may recall the universally accepted statement in Suda about Achilles Tatius’ origin in Alexandria (Ἀχιλλεὺς Στάτιος, Ἀλεξανδρεύς), and presumably he had personal knowledge of the area where the Nile splits and forms the Delta(s).
V.B. Schuman in his article “Two Greek Ostraca,” TAPA 75 (1944) 68-70 (= SB 6.9042), translated the place name Πάτελλα, which appears in lines 1-2 πάτελλα λεγο(μένη) (πρότερον) Πρωτα( ) Ἀβοίκε̣ω̣ς̣ (ἄρουρα) α, as “Dish,” probably because... more
V.B. Schuman in his article “Two Greek Ostraca,” TAPA 75 (1944) 68-70 (= SB 6.9042), translated the place name Πάτελλα, which appears in lines 1-2 πάτελλα λεγο(μένη) (πρότερον) Πρωτα( ) Ἀβοίκε̣ω̣ς̣ (ἄρουρα) α, as “Dish,” probably because it was assumed to come from the latin patella; see OLD s.v patella 1 “a small dish or plate” and of LSJ s.v. πατέλλα “dish.” Then, H.C. Youtie in his brilliant discussion regarding shapes of land in his article “Critical Notes on Graeco-Roma Ostraca,” TAPA 76 (1945) 140-156, esp. p. 156 (= Scriptiunculae 1.153-172, esp. p. 169) adopted the same meaning. But what could be the exact characteristic of a place named Πατέλλα (rather a feminine than a neuter noun)? Here I would like to refer to the place name Πατέλλες, which is attested nowadays in the Dodecanese and in Crete. As Ἀ.Γ. Τσοπανάκης in his article “Λεπίδα – Πατελλιά – Πατέλλα – Ζώμιθος” in the journal Κρητολογία 9 (1979) 119-133, esp. p. 124, argued, this place name, Patella, is used for slightly elevated flat fields (usually the top of hills), from where one can see the area around. It does come from the Latin patella (as Schuman and Youtie assumed), and it has no etymological or semantic connection to the noun πατελλιά, a specific kind of stone which is used in the house and is derived from πέταλον.
Therefore, if the meaning of the word in Rhodes and Crete is the same as the one in Greco-Roman Egypt, then we can assume that the place name Πατέλλα in our ostracon was given to a slightly elevated area. Unfortunately we cannot locate this area, because the text does not provide further details about its place of origin, and there is no information about the findspot of the ostracon.
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